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Sample Term Paper on Homeland Security Post-9/11: Are We Any Safer?
Homeland Security Post-9/11: Are We Any Safer?
September 11, 2001, is a date with major significance in the history of U.S. homeland security. Attacks by terrorists on the Twin Towers and the Pentagon in New York and Washington, respectively, on this day, epitomized the scale of terror threats that the U.S. faces in the 21st century despite its military and technological might. The U.S. embarked on the large-scale mobilization of U.S. resources in different areas in an effort to confront the threat from Islamic fundamentalism. This paper discusses the status of U.S. homeland security in the post-9/11 era and whether the U.S. is truly safe from attacks such as those in 2001. The position of the paper is that the U.S. remains unsafe and vulnerable to attacks, such as those of 2001, owing to the ineffectiveness of its response in addressing the core cause of terrorism - Islamic fundamentalism. Rather than devising and enforcing an effective strategy aimed at softening the appeal of Islamic fundamentalism, and hence protecting the U.S. homeland from attacks by Islamic fundamentalists through a proactive and sustainable solution, the U.S. has implemented an aggressive and bullish strategy that has alienated Islamic societies, thereby promoting further risks of hate and revenge-fuelled attacks against its homeland.
Analysis of the Basic Cause of Threats to U.S. Homeland Security in relation to 9/11
The basic cause of the 9/11 attacks on the U.S. was Islamic fundamentalism brought about by perceptions of the U.S. as an unfair and prejudiced power, particularly towards Muslim societies. The leader of Al Qaeda, which sponsored the 9/11 attackers, identified retaliation for U.S. support of Israel in the latter's struggle with Arab countries around the Gulf, U.S. involvement in the Persian Gulf War, and continued U.S. military presence in the Middle East as some of the motivating factors for the attacks (Libicki et al., 2007). Israel has been in a longstanding and complex conflict with Arab countries in the Middle East for several decades. This conflict has related closely with Arab support for Palestinians in their longstanding struggle with Israel. The U.S., in turn, has established and maintained close political and military relations with Israel for many decades. This support has fostered Arabs' perceptions of the U.S. as an unfair and prejudiced world leader and arbiter in the conflict. This perception strengthened with further U.S. involvement in political and socio-economic issues in the Gulf region, including leading a Western coalition against Iraq in the Persian Gulf War in 1990-91 and continued military presence in the region (Libicki et al., 2007). Islamic fundamentalists perceived the U.S.' dominance of politics and life in the Middle East as undesirable and as an attempt to impose its interests and preferences on the region. These perceptions were a key factor in the attacks on the U.S. homeland in 2001.
Ineffectiveness of U.S. Response to Security Threats against its Homeland
Rather than confronting and addressing Islamic fundamentalism, the U.S. has embarked on an aggressive strategy that has strengthened, rather than weakened, Islamic fundamentalists’ perceptions of the U.S. as an unfair, prejudiced world leader. The U.S. responded to the attacks and the security fears that they raised across the country by starting the War on Terror. This War involved an international military, legal, political, and conceptual battle against both organizations with terrorist philosophies and agendas on the one hand, and political regimes that the West perceived as supporting them, on the other (Pfiffner, 2007). In the crusade, the U.S. targeted Afghanistan to dethrone the Taliban before carrying over its campaign to Iraq, where it deposed Saddam Hussein and influenced his death by capital punishment despite not finding any weapons of mass destruction. The war in Iraq also resulted in the installation of a new US-supported government and fostered the abuse and detention without trial of many Arab prisoners (Pfiffner, 2007). These responses to the attacks strengthened, rather than weakened, perceptions of the U.S. as an unfair and prejudiced world power among Muslim fundamentalists.
The adverse effects of U.S. actions in its response to the 9/11 attacks have continued to this day, thereby promoting adverse perceptions of the U.S. as a prejudiced world power. Vine et al. (2020) note that U.S. post-9/11 wars since 2001 have led to mass population displacements affecting more than 37m (and possibly up to 50m) people across the Arab world. The U.S. has engaged in combat operations in at least 24 countries around the world. Most of the affected populations relate to the U.S.' wars in Afghanistan and Iraq, but further effects have occurred in Somalia, Libya, and Yemen (Vine et al., 2020). Most of these populations consist of civilians rather than members of terrorist organizations. The U.S.' post-9/11 response has caused incalculable destruction of lives for combatants and civilians alike, with drone strikes, airstrikes, drone attacks, bombings, gun battles, and other activities causing strife and destruction of varying infrastructure, including hospitals, local water and food resources, homes, schools, places of employment, and entire neighborhoods (Vine et al., 2020). These effects are significant because they have fostered adverse perceptions about the U.S.'s status as a world leader and political power.
The impact of these responses to the 9/11 attacks is stronger fundamentalist attitudes against the U.S., and hence continued risks for further attacks on its homeland. Rauf (2020) notes that America has failed to understand the problem that it is dealing with in relation to terrorism. The fundamental reason for continued hostility towards the U.S. in Muslim societies is the heavy footprint of American foreign policy, including military power, in these societies. While the U.S. has enforced widespread and strong measures to counter-terrorism through the USA PATRIOT Act, the risk for such attacks remains strong owing to the persistence of adverse perceptions of the U.S. and the innovativeness of terrorist organizations in their activities. The USA PATRIOT Act empowered various institutions to take more active and invasive measures targeting the lives of citizens with the objective of preventing terrorism (Hartwig, 2008). Nonetheless, as the 9/11 attacks showed, terrorist groups can exploit simple loopholes in laws and policies (such as lapses in security checks in airports and society) to carry out their activities successfully. Continued perceptions of the U.S. as an unfair power among fundamentalist groups around the world represent a lingering risk for the security of the U.S. and its people.
Critique and Rebuttal
Critics could argue that the aggressive U.S. response to 9/11 was appropriate and effective because it has prevented a recurrence of the attacks and undermined the capacities of terrorist groups to carry out similar attacks. They could reference findings by Smith and Zeigler (2017) that the years after 9/11 have been less terror-prone relative to those before it to support this argument. Nonetheless, the U.S. response is a short-term solution that is heavily reliant on deterrence rather than on a proactive model of addressing the solution effectively through an effective strategy to soften the appeal of Islamic fundamentalism. Terrorists still have the capacity to obtain military-grade weapons, and the prospect of their own deaths does not deter them. At the same time, the effects of globalization and rapidly evolving technologies make the planning of attacks harder to detect in advance (Brill, 2016). An effective and proactive solution to the risks that the U.S. continues to face is to engage the Muslim world actively and positively to counter the adverse perceptions of the U.S. as an unfair and prejudiced world power.
This paper has argued that the U.S. remains unsafe and vulnerable to attacks such as those of September 2001. This vulnerability remains strong because of the failure of the U.S. to address Islamic fundamentalism effectively. The U.S. has failed to understand that its perception as an unfair and prejudiced power in the Arab/Muslim World is the basis of Islamic fundamentalism and its problem with terrorism. Rather than seeking an effective solution that can promote a positive and friendly relationship with Arab/Muslim societies, the U.S. has embarked on an aggressive and bullish response to terrorism that has alienated Islamic societies further. This outcome has promoted further risks of hate and revenge-fuelled attacks against its homeland.
Brill, S. (2016, September). Is America any safer? The Atlantic. Retrieved from: https://www.theatlantic.com/magazine/archive/2016/09/are-we-any-safer/492761/
Hartwig, R. (2008). Winning is everything: the presidency of George W. Bush. CONfines 4(7): 87-101.
Libicki, M., Chalk, P., & Sisson, M. (2007). Exploring terrorist targeting preferences. RAND Corporation.
Pfiffner, J. (2007). The first MBA president: George W. Bush as public administrator. Public Administration Review: 6-20.
Rauf, F. (2020). The relationship between the Muslim World and the United States and the root of Islamophobia in America. Fuller Studio. Retrieved from: https://fullerstudio.fuller.edu/relationship-muslim-world-united-states-root-islamophobia-america/
Smith, M., & Zeigler, S. (2017). Terrorism before and after 9/11 - a more dangerous world? Research and Politics: 1-8.
Vine, D., Coffman, C., Khoury, K., Lovasz, M., Bush, H., Leduc, R., & Walkup, J. (2020, September 21). Creating refugees: displacement caused by the United States’ post-9/11 wars. Watson Institute.
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